Friday, 10 July 2009

Archbishop Kyprianos and the 9th July 1821

‘The race of the Greeks was born when the world was born;
No one has ever been able to uproot it.

God shelters it from the heights: it cannot die.

Not till the whole world ends will the Greek race vanish!


‘You may kill us till our blood becomes a torrent,

You may make the world a slaughterhouse for Greeks,

But when an ancient poplar is cut down

Three hundred offshoots sprout and grow around it.

The ploughshare thinks it eats the earth it cuts,

But is itself destroyed and eaten up.’

(Vassilis Michailides, The 9th July 1821)

Below is an article (my translation) that appeared in yesterday's Simerini by Kostis Kokkinofta regarding the Ottomans' execution by hanging of Archbishop Kyprianos of Cyprus on 9 July 1821. It should be noted that Kokkinofta is a researcher attached to Kykkos Monastery and, as you would expect, his account of events tends towards hagiography and asserts the role of the church in defending the interests of Hellenism on the island. Without touching too much on whether Kyprianos deserves his status as a national martyr or the role of the Cypriot Church in the Ottoman period, it is worth stressing that Kyprianos was not the only one who was put to death by the Turks on Cyprus in 1821 with the intention of preventing the Greek revolution from spreading to the island; and no doubt he was not the only one who went to his death with 'modesty' and 'humility'. In fact, after the initial killings of the island's leading Greeks was carried out on and soon after 9 July 1821 – some 500 were rounded up from across the island, brought to Nicosia and massacred – it is reported that Turkish, Arab and Albanian soldiers conducted a reign of terror throughout the island that lasted six months and resulted in at least 40,000 Greeks (half the island's Greek population) either being killed or fleeing Cyprus – mostly to the Ionian islands.


Archbishop Kyprianos and the 9th July 1821
Towards the end of the 1810s, Archbishop Kyprianos, clerics and other notables on Cyprus were initiated into the Philiki Etaireia. However, the multiple difficulties faced by Cyprus because of its distance from the main areas of the forthcoming uprising of Greeks against Ottoman rule and, particularly, the island's proximity to Egypt and Syria, with their large Muslim populations and concentrations of Ottoman soldiers, would have exposed Cyprus to bloody reprisals and therefore the island was excluded from the initial plans for the revolution.

Despite the fact that on Cyprus there was no armed uprising in 1821, the local Ottoman authorities took measures that aimed to eradicate the island's clerical and civilian leadership and to induce fear among the general population. The events that followed were the most tragic that befell Hellenism in Cyprus during the Ottoman occupation.

The church's leaders, headed by Archbishop Kyprianos of Cyprus and three bishops, Meletios of Kition, Chrysanthos of Paphos and Lavrentios of Kyrenia, as well as a large number of leading citizens, were executed and their properties confiscated.

'When in 1822, I was in Larnaca,' wrote the Swedish traveller Jacob Bergren, 'the Greek population of the island had been reduced to such an extent that many of the large villages were completely uninhabited. The Turkish soldiers brought death wherever they passed… The Virgin was dressed everywhere in black, many houses were abandoned and splattered in blood.'

The most distinguished figure of these terrible events was Archbishop Kyprianos, who acted as a responsible, patriotic leader and spiritual father, trying to strike a balance between supporting, on the one hand, the revolution in Greece while, on the other, attempting to protect the local population. His role was particularly tragic since he knew that he could not avoid martyrdom…

The last moments of Archbishop Kyprianos' life are described by the English traveller John Carne, who visited him shortly before his execution. As Carne notes, when he asked the archbishop why he did not do more to save himself when he realised the political situation on the island was tense and his life in danger, the archbishop replied that he had decided to provide whatever protection he could to the local Christians and he had determined, if necessary, to die alongside them.

Years later, Vassilis Michailides, in his poem, The 9th July 1821, attached great meaning to Kyprianos' decision to remain with his flock, having him say to the good-hearted Turk Kioroglou, who was urging him to flee the island: 'I'm not leaving Kioroglou, because if I leave, my leaving will bring death to the Greeks here'. ('Δεν φεύκω, Kιόρογλου, γιατί, αν φύω, ο φευκός μου/εν να γενή θανατικόν εις τους Pωμιούς του τόπου').

According to Carne, Kyprianos went to his death displaying unusual courage and unique dignity. With his sacrifice, he honoured Romiosini, asserted his Greek identity and justified his Christian faith. Modestly, humbly, with dignity and no self-pity, he went serenely to his death and immortality.

Joseph Woolf, a Protestant of Jewish origin, who arrived in Nicosia a few days after the tragic events of 9 July, relays eyewitness accounts that a proposal was made to Kyprianos just before his execution that he could save himself if he renounced Christianity and became a Muslim. As Woolf notes, the archbishop rejected the proposal without a second thought and went to his death repeating the phrases: 'Lord have mercy on me, Christ have mercy on me.'

Wednesday, 8 July 2009

A review of world politics

A couple of international stories have caught my attention.

One is the ethnic clashes in the Chinese province of Xinjiang. The Chinese are fighting the good fight to protect their country against the extremist Turkic Uighurs and we applaud and express our solidarity with the People's Republic. However, it did cross my mind that if the Chinese manage to Sinicize Xinjiang then this leaves one less place for the Turks in Thrace, Anatolia and Asia Minor to go when they have to pack up their yurts and clear off back to where they came from.

Second: I've been trying to figure out what the victory of the right-wing forces in last Sunday's Bulgarian elections means for Greece. Unfortunately, I'm no expert on Bulgarian politics, so I can't make an independent assessment of the implications. Giorgos Delastik in Ethnos seems to think that the defeat of the socialists is bad news for Greece since we had good relations with them, while the Bulgarian right, according to Delastik, has tended to be more pro-Turk.

Yet, according to this report in the English-language Turk daily, Zaman, Turkey is perturbed by the victory of the Bulgarian right, because it fought, according to Zaman, a nationalist election campaign critical of the role of the 'Turk' minority in Bulgaria, which has been involved through its party, the Movement for Rights and Freedom, in every post-Soviet Bulgarian government and has acted as a fifth column for Turkey and Turkish influence in Bulgaria.

In fact, Zaman says that Bulgaria's likely new prime minister, former bodyguard and karate black belt, Boyko Borisov, regards the 'Turk' minority in Bulgaria in the same way as Greece regards its minority in Thrace, i.e. as a religious and not an ethnic minority. Zaman quotes Borisov as saying in an interview with Der Spiegel the following:

'In Bulgaria you have Bulgarians. In Turkey, Turks. That is why we have different states. That must be clear. Those who live in Bulgaria are Bulgarian citizens. Anyone with a Bulgarian passport is Bulgarian. This means that Turks are Bulgarian Muslims who live on Bulgarian territory.'

Tuesday, 7 July 2009

Bringing rayahdism to Cyprus

I was disgusted by this programme from Greece's SKAI TV on the teaching of history in Cypriot schools. The programme was shown in March and purports to show how, in Turkish schools in the occupied part of the island, there is a 'progressive' and more rounded approach to the teaching of Cypriot history – in which Greeks are not shown as the eternal enemy and Turk kids are presented with the Greek point of view; while, in schools in the free areas, Greek children are allegedly exposed to an anachronistic, fanatical and propagandistic version of events, which blames Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots for all that has gone wrong on the island and ignores any responsibility Greeks have for the island's division.

In particular, the reporter from Greece wonders why Greek Cypriot children are not taught about events between 1960 and 1974, and suggests this is because this would reveal the injustices suffered by Turkish Cypriots at the hands of Greek Cypriots. Indeed, the programme ends with a Turkish Cypriot teacher recalling how in 1963 Greek Cypriots burned down her house in Paphos as proof that Greek Cypriots have dark secrets and that what befell them in 1974 was largely their fault.

Now, I have two points to make about this terrible programme.

1. By all means, teach Greek Cypriot children about what happened between 1960 and 1974. Teach them about the Turkish Cypriot terrorist campaign, about the Turk terror group, TMT, which not only targetted Greeks (and Armenians), but also forced Turkish Cypriots to leave their homes and villages and concentrated them in armed enclaves in preparation for partition. Teach them that during this period Greek Cypriots fought to maintain the island's integrity (and that any excesses must be seen in the context of this just struggle), while the Turkish Cypriots – with Turkey and Britain encouraging them – aimed to partition the island. And teach them that the Greek Cypriot cause of self-determination was not aimed at harming the Turkish Cypriots, while the Turkish goal of partition was predicated on ethnic cleansing and could only be achieved by the violent displacement of the Greek population of Cyprus.

2. What is wrong with the Greeks of Greece that they should go to Cyprus to make TV programmes and instead of taking the opportunity to inform Greek public opinion about the refugees, the missing persons, the attempt to wipe out all traces of Hellenism in occupied Cyprus and so on; they make a programme for Greek consumption that espouses Turkish propaganda?

To be honest, I've had enough of these 'progressive' Kalamarades, these rayahdes. Do they think that Greece liberated itself from the Ottoman empire by beating the Turks at tavli? And do they think that in liberating Greece, no 'injustice' was ever committed against a Turk, that no Turk was killed or had his house burned down? The point being that Greeks have been fighting for 4,000 years to maintain their freedom and if we had ever dwelt during all this time on the 'injustices' we were inflicting on those who had come to take our liberty, lives and property, then our race would have died out a long time ago.

Sunday, 5 July 2009

Turks: cynical or mad?

As I've stated on numerous occasions, I've never been able to decide whether Turkey's outlandish distortions and fabrications – regarding the nature of the Ottoman empire, the various genocides that accompanied the creation of the Turkish republic, Cyprus, the fascistic brutality endured by non-Turk communities in Turkey and so on – are an exercise in cynicism in the advance of state policy and that Turks really know the truth about their history and society; or a reflection of the fact that the Turks believe their own lies and, like some lost tribe in the African jungle, are incapable of moving beyond their primitive and irrational beliefs.

Take this article I read in the English-language Turkish daily Zaman by Ozlem Turkone, who is an AK party MP, one of its senior foreign policy advisers and a member of the Turkish delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. Turkone regurgitates the current Turkish line that in return for reopening the Halki Theological School, Turkey expects Greece to recognise a 'Turkish' minority in Thrace and grant it certain 'human rights', i.e. Turkone wants to use the issue of Halki to extract concessions from Greece that will effectively challenge and undermine Greek sovereignty in Thrace.

Now, undoubtedly, there is a certain rationale and logic to Turkish policy in Thrace, but what are we to make of the argument Turkone uses in pursuit of Turkey's strategic goal, an argument that suggests that not only is Greece a serial violator of human rights but that, in comparison, Turkey's treatment of its 'minorities' is exemplary. Specifically, do the quotes below from Turkone's article reflect a cynical inversion of the truth to justify Turkey's threat to Greece's independence and territorial integrity, or a delusional state of mind brought about by years of indoctrination and slavish adherence to official Turkish mythology? I genuinely don't know. I think it might be both.

'Even without the Lausanne Treaty, Turkey has accepted the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate's residing in [Constantinople], as has been the case for centuries, continuing a long tradition of religious tolerance in Turkey.'

'[The Turkish] government has been searching for a formula to integrate the Orthodox theological school into Turkey's university system and this obviously demonstrates that there is nothing wrong with Turkey carrying out its commitments to Greek minorities.'

'And what about the realities of Turkey? As a country whose land has traditionally been home to those in need, fleeing religious persecution throughout history, and where interfaith dialogue and harmony have deep roots, Turkey truly stands at a point different from Greece.'

Saturday, 4 July 2009

Νενικήκαμεν!







Fourth of July, 2004 Greece beat Portugal 1-0 in the final of the European Championships and all my sporting dreams are satisfied. I have no more demands to make on the sporting gods and I will die a happy man.

Above is a reminder of those extraordinary few weeks.

The first video contains the goals from all of Greece's games in the tournament. The second is of the last few minutes of extra-time in the semi-final against the Czech Republic and Traianos Dellas' delirium-inducing winning goal – the most memorable moment of the championships for me. And the third video cleverly mixes Greece's triumph in the football with the Greek basketball team's brilliant success at Eurobasket 2005. There's great commentary on all the videos.

Friday, 3 July 2009

Cyprus: the optimistic scenario

Reading again my previous post on the British thief, I was struck by his assertion that since the Turkish occupation regime eased crossing restrictions in 2003 'the Turkish Cypriots have become second-best once again' and how he cited as an example of this supposed Greek revival in the north the swiftness with which 'Greek menus went up in Girne [occupied Kyrenia] harbor and elsewhere'.

Now, even though we can't take seriously the observations of this ignorant crook whose agenda is to maintain the status quo for the sake of his sordid interests; there is a point to be made about how Greek Cypriots anticipate that, if there is a solution and some sort of reunification, they will restore justice and come to regain occupied Cyprus, and this is by force of numbers and economic muscle.

This optimistic scenario is, of course, dependent on a number of factors; one of the most important being that any solution Christofias negotiates with the Turks does not preclude the freedom to settle and own property anywhere on the island. The Turks have insisted in a solution that a kind of apartheid system is established, in which in the Turkish Cypriot constituent state there is always a clear majority of Turkish Cypriots and Turkish Cypriot ownership of land. However, the Turks can only achieve this rigid racial separation if the EU (and Christofias) agrees to permanent derogations from the acquis communautaire, which stipulates that EU citizens have the right to reside and buy property anywhere in the EU. Thus, it is important that Christofias rejects permanent derogations and insists that any temporary derogations are for as short a period as possible. It should be noted that the Annan plan was full of permanent derogations, while temporary ones were to last for so long as to effectively take on a permanent character.

Wednesday, 1 July 2009

British thief has his say

The most ardent advocates of the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus are those thieving Britons who have illegally taken over the land and property Greek Cypriots were forced to abandon following the Turkish invasion in 1974. The vileness of these 8,000 or so Britons is truly shocking. It is hard to imagine a lower form of humanity or that any country other than Britain could have produced them.

And to give an idea of what kind of loathsome, despicable criminals we are dealing with, I publish below an article I came across today by one Tom Roche, which appeared in Cyprus Today – an English-language newspaper published in occupied Cyprus. It'll make you sick to read it, but it is useful to know how these obnoxious, pig-ignorant crooks think.


Time to tell the Greeks: Shut it!
A new border crossing is to be opened at Yesilirmak [occupied Limnitis] in the far north-west. It will bring permanent land access to the Turkish Cypriot enclave of Erenkoy [occupied Kokkina] and allow locals to go South without the need to drive about two hours to Lefkosia.

Do I rejoice at this news? Well no, actually, because it will also make it easier for more Greek Cypriots to come to the North and start throwing their weight about.

We had a little taste of things to come in Lapta [occupied Lapithos] last week. My wife spotted a stranger wandering up and down the gecit, or little lane, which runs between our place and our neighbours. She asked if she could help him and was told he was looking for his land.

'Oh', she said, 'and which bit is yours then?' The stranger threw open his arms and declared: 'All of it!'. He beetled off and a note was made of the registration number of his big blue BMW 4x4.

Maybe it has something to do with the fact that we live in the same area as Linda and David Orams that encourages these try-ons. Anyway, our belligerent visitor will have to get in the queue with the various other Greek Cypriots we have had making similar claims. Funny how we haven’t had too many of them walking up to Turkish army camps to reclaim ownership.

It has taken them a while to catch on, but now the Orthodox Church is getting in on the act. Metropolitan Bishop Iseas is the titular head of the area that covers St Barnabas Monastery near Salamis.

He has filed a lawsuit against Turkey at the European Court of Human Rights, claiming he has been 'deprived of his religious rights and expelled from his place of worship by force'. His application has been accepted and is awaiting a date for hearing.

There can be no doubt at all about the outcome. Once again Turkey will be slammed, ordered to pay about a million euros and told that the Bishop must be allowed to return.

The Orthodox Church in Cyprus is a truly wicked organization which conspired with the EOKA terrorists who sought to wipe the Turkish Cypriots from the face of the earth. There will be no mention of this in Strasbourg.

I began to wonder; just how have the Greek Cypriots convinced themselves that they still own the whole of Cyprus? For one thing, their leaders have encouraged this myth for the past 35 years. Thousands still describe themselves as 'refugees', even though they live in comfort, many on Turkish Cypriot land. Then, there’s the phenomenon of the 'virtual' local councils which elect mayors and members, and meet regularly to decide on things over which they have no jurisdiction, like the street lighting in Gazi Magusa [occupied Famagusta].

Regular readers will know I call this the 'Back to Kyrenia' syndrome, or in the case of Christofias’s latest demands, back to Kyrenia, Guzelyurt [occupied Morfou] and the Karpaz [occupied Karpass peninsula].

The other reason is that we in the TRNC [sic] have allowed it to happen. In many ways it is astonishing that the Turkish side is always painted as the aggressor in Cyprus. To my mind they have been far too subservient.

Ankara’s initiative in opening the border in 2004 wrong-footed the Greeks, it’s true, but look at what has happened since then.

It saddened me to see how swiftly the Greek menus went up in Girne [occupied Kyrenia] harbor and elsewhere. Of course our hard-pressed traders needed the customers, but it was as if the events of the previous thirty-odd years had never happened.

Five years on and the Turkish Cypriots have become second-best once again. Trade is more or less one-way, with very little Turkish Cypriot produce deemed acceptable. The South’s taxis may cross carrying fare-paying passengers but ours may not go the other way. Most ludicrously of all, every day coach loads of tourists visit Girne [occupied Kyrenia] and Bellapais, led by a Greek Cypriot guide pouring poison in their ears. Of course no Turkish Cypriot tour guide may operate in the South.

Why do we allow it? It only perpetuates the view that the Greek Cypriot Republic is a legitimate state while this is not.

Our new Foreign Minister [sic] Huseyin Ozgurgun says he is considering ways to prevent Greek Cypriots coming over here to make claims on land. Quite rightly, Mr Ozgurgun says they are trying to impose the laws of another state. Don’t worry, minister, should Turkey and the TRNC [sic] ever join the EU, you’ll get used to that.

Instead of wasting precious parliamentary [sic] time, which ought to be used to deal with the country’s economic crisis, drawing up new legislation, may I offer a simple and far more effective solution: the Greek Cypriots have abused their right to visit North Cyprus, so let’s put a stop to it. Shut the gates.

And before you throw your hands up in horror, ask yourselves honestly: Does a trip to IKEA mean that much to you? How often do you use Larnaca airport?

When it comes to the border, it is perhaps time for all of us to ask ourselves: 'Whose side are we on?'

The choice of goods in the shops has increased immeasurably in the last five years, so shopping is hardly an issue any more. Anyway, what price freedom from harassment versus a pack of Camembert from Carrefour?

On the other front, I am quite prepared to put up with Cyprus Turkish Airlines, which can only improve with planned privatization.

The 'international community' will cry foul, but so what? The Useless Nations and the Equally Useless (EU) will never support this side anyway.

No, it is time for a show of strength. Nothing would better demonstrate who is in control here. It is not the fantasists of 'Kyrenia Municipality'.

AND another thing: I don’t want to hear any more Zorba the Greek at social functions. Can’t we get it into our heads that these people are no friends of ours?

The next time I hear some wretched bouzouki music and an invitation to do the syrtaki, I shall be tempted to throw my plate.

Monday, 29 June 2009

C'est la guerre, Ms Ferentinou

I notice that Ariana Ferentinou refers to me in her column this week for the Turkish newspaper, Hurriyet Daily News. She is upset by my post condemning this article she wrote regarding a recent trip she made to Cyprus, in which she characterised Greek Cypriots as primitive Turk haters who rather than share power with the Turkish Cypriots would prefer to see their country divided. Such a characterisation is deceitful and malicious and serves Turkey's policy of partition. Let's be clear: Greek Cypriots in the independence era have never opposed sharing power with the Turkish Cypriots; it's always been a question of how much power in a modern, post-colonial, European democracy the 18 per cent of the island's population that is Turkish is entitled to. But this is not my point. My point is Ms Ferentinou. She mentions me in the context of the 'hate reporting' and 'negative atmospherics' she claims blights reporting on Greek-Turkish issues. Here's what she says:

'[The] internet means there is a new platform for the battle of misreporting, hate reporting and stereotypes. And as a lot of negative atmospheric pieces find their way to countless sites, the air in the media of the two countries (Greece and Turkey] cannot be cleared. For example, one of my apparently faithful readers - a Greek Cypriot - who is a blogger and I presume resides in London, was very keen in judging my journalism qualities on moral grounds. "This Greek woman regularly prostitutes herself for the Hürriyet Daily News, purporting to provide insights into Greece and Cyprus, but in fact she knows nothing about Cyprus, her knowledge of Greek politics is superficial and she generally adopts those positions most flattering and satisfying to her Turkish pimps," he wrote recently. There is indeed a cold atmosphere and sometimes it becomes difficult to smile.'


I have to say it gives me no satisfaction that I upset Ms Ferentinou, but then I found her piece on Cyprus offensive. I've already mentioned her assertion – which suits Turkish propaganda – that Greek Cypriots favour partition; but there are other elements in her piece equally indictable. I don't want to discuss these in detail – the piece doesn't merit it – so I'll limit myself to the following:

The title of the offending article by Ms Ferentinou was: Impressions of a Second Trip to Greek Cyprus. Now, I know Ms Ferentinou is not responsible for headlines and no doubt her articles are also edited to conform to the preferred Turkish nomenclature – 'Greek Cyprus', 'Turkish Cyprus', 'President Talat', the 'Greek Cypriot administration', the 'Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus' and so on; but my point is this: what kind of Greek would submit material to a Turkish newspaper realising that it is going to be used and altered in such ways as to promote Turkey's positions on Cyprus and other issues? Indeed, any discerning reader of the English-language Turkish daily newspapers – Hurriyet Daily News and Zaman – knows perfectly well that their intention is not to shed light on certain issues – and this is particularly true in the case of Cyprus – but to put forward to an international audience Turkey's official line. That a Greek journalist – either because of ideological commitment or in pursuit of personal advantage – should decide not to tell the truth to Turkey but to be part of that country's propaganda machine is shameful and Ms Ferentinou should not be surprised when those who doubt her judgement, morals, honesty, motives – call it what you will – challenge her. C'est la guerre, Ms Ferentinou.

Saturday, 27 June 2009

Skopje and Turkey: a shared madness

One of the most shocking things about being Greek is discovering how retarded non-Greeks are. Predisposed to freedom, autonomy and the pursuit of truth, we are left baffled by mental slavery, by people incapable of thinking for themselves, who are willingly brainwashed by their societies and accept, without resistance, the myths and lies of official ideologies.

What am I talking about? About many things, but in particular the Skopjans and the Turks. As we all know, the Skopjans have succumbed to a collective delusion, a grand hallucination, and adopted a bizarre, surreal version of history, which has them, among other things, the direct descendants of Alexander the Great. They are also suffering from paranoia and persecution complex, a manifestation of which is their obsession with Greeks, who hardly know these people and yet have become their pathological object. Really, we shouldn't be indulging the Skopjans' psychosis by negotiating with them which form of the name 'Macedonia' they can misappropriate, but recommending them for mass mental therapy.

Another paranoid, deluded bunch are the Turks, whose illness is in fact much more advanced and dangerous than that being suffered by the Skopjans. Somehow the great persecutors of history have turned into the persecuted, history's greatest mass murderers have become history's eternal victims, instigators of a society based on peace, harmony and love rent asunder by the ingratitude and malice of the other – the giaour – who, naturally, for order to be restored, has to be destroyed.

Using this schema of Turkish mental illness is the only way I can interpret the following summary of the Cyprus issue I read this week in the Turk daily newspaper Zaman. Of course, the 'narrative' is so laughable that it might not be the product of delusion, but the work of a great comic mind. But the Turks don't strike me as having a particularly developed sense of humour.

'Gaining independence from the UK in 1960, Cyprus became a bi-communal Republic where Greek and Turkish Cypriot constituent communities would share power guaranteed by the UK, Turkey and Greece. However, reluctant to share power and pursuing a policy of Enosis (Union) with Greece, Greek Cypriots soon expelled Turkish Cypriots from power and terrorised and ghettoised them.

'Decades long armed attacks on the defenseless Turkish Cypriots culminated in 1974 when an Athens-backed Greek Cypriot military coup on the island led to Turkey's military intervention. Although the Republic of Cyprus as described in the 1959 agreements is no longer there, Greek Cypriots continue to enjoy this title and international recognition while the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, a fully democratic government representing Turkish Cypriots, still suffers under an unfair political and economic blockade.'

Wednesday, 24 June 2009

The Lovely Stones, by Christopher Hitchens


The essay below by Christopher Hitchens on the Parthenon, the new Acropolis Museum and the issue of the return to Greece from Britain of the Parthenon Marbles appears in the July issue of Vanity Fair. Hitchens is a long-time critic of Britain's refusal to repatriate the marbles – Hitchens calls Britain's arguments for keeping them in London 'boring' and 'constipated' – and, indeed, he has written a book on the subject, The Elgin Marbles: should they be returned to Greece?

The great classicist A. W. Lawrence (illegitimate younger brother of the even more famously illegitimate T.E. 'of Arabia') once remarked of the Parthenon that it is 'the one building in the world which may be assessed as absolutely right'. I was considering this thought the other day as I stood on top of the temple with Maria Ioannidou, the dedicated director of the Acropolis Restoration Service, and watched the workshop that lay below and around me.

Everywhere there were craftsmen and -women, toiling to get the Parthenon and its sister temples ready for viewing by the public this summer. There was the occasional whine of a drill and groan of a crane, but otherwise this was the quietest construction site I have ever seen – or, rather, heard. Putting the rightest, or most right, building to rights means that the workers must use marble from a quarry in the same mountain as the original one, that they must employ old-fashioned chisels to carve, along with traditional brushes and twigs, and that they must study and replicate the ancient Lego-like marble joints with which the master builders of antiquity made it all fit miraculously together.

Don’t let me blast on too long about how absolutely heart-stopping the brilliance of these people was. But did you know, for example, that the Parthenon forms, if viewed from the sky, a perfect equilateral triangle with the Temple of Aphaea, on the island of Aegina, and the Temple of Poseidon, at Cape Sounion? Did you appreciate that each column of the Parthenon makes a very slight inward incline, so that if projected upward into space they would eventually steeple themselves together at a symmetrical point in the empyrean? The 'rightness' is located somewhere between the beauty of science and the science of beauty.

With me on my tour was Nick Papandreou, son and grandson of prime ministers and younger brother of the Socialist opposition leader, who reminded me that the famously fluted columns are made not of single marble shafts but of individually carved and shaped 'drums', many of them still lying around looking to be re-assembled. On his last visit, he found a graffito on the open face of one such. A certain Xanthias, probably from Thrace, had put his name there, not thinking it would ever be seen again once the next drum was joined on. Then it surfaced after nearly 2,500 years, to be briefly glimpsed (by men and women who still speak and write a version of Xanthias’s tongue) before being lost to view once more, this time for good. On the site, a nod of respect went down the years, from one proud Greek worker to another.

The original construction of the Parthenon involved what I call Periclean Keynesianism: the city needed to recover from a long and ill-fought war against Persia and needed also to give full employment (and a morale boost) to the talents of its citizens. Over tremendous conservative opposition, Pericles in or about the year 450 BC pushed through the Athenian Assembly a sort of stimulus package which proposed a labor-intensive reconstruction of what had been lost or damaged in the Second Persian War. As Plutarch phrases it in his Pericles:

'The house-and-home contingent, no whit less than the sailors and sentinels and soldiers, might have a pretext for getting a beneficial share of the public wealth. The materials to be used were stone, bronze, ivory, gold, ebony and cypress-wood; the arts which should elaborate and work up these materials were those of carpenter, molder, bronze-smith, stone-cutter, dyer, veneerer in gold and ivory, painter, embroiderer, embosser, to say nothing of the forwarders and furnishers of the material It came to pass that for every age almost, and every capacity, the city’s great abundance was distributed and shared by such demands.'

When we think of Athens in the fifth century BC, we think chiefly of the theater of Euripides and Sophocles and of philosophy and politics – specifically democratic politics, of the sort that saw Pericles repeatedly re-elected in spite of complaints that he was overspending. And it’s true that Antigone was first performed as the Parthenon was rising, and Medea not all that long after the temple was finished. From drama to philosophy: Socrates himself was also a stonemason and sculptor, and it seems quite possible that he too took part in raising the edifice. So Greece might have something to teach us about the arts of recovery as well. As the author of The Stones of Athens, R. E. Wycherley, puts it:

'In some sense, the Parthenon must have been the work of a committee It was the work of the whole Athenian people, not merely because hundreds of them had a hand in building it, but because the assembly was ultimately responsible, confirmed appointments, and sanctioned and scrutinized the expenditure of every drachma.'

I have visited many of the other great monuments of antiquity, from Luxor and Karnak and the pyramids to Babylon and Great Zimbabwe, and their magnificence is always compromised by the realization that slaves did the heavy lifting and they were erected to show who was boss. The Parthenon is unique because, though ancient Greece did have slavery to some extent, its masterpiece also represents the willing collective work of free people. And it is open to the light and to the air: 'accessible,' if you like, rather than dominating. So that to its rightness you could tentatively add the concept of 'rights', as Periclean Greeks began dimly to formulate them for the first time.

Not that the beauty and symmetry of the Parthenon have not been abused and perverted and mutilated. Five centuries after the birth of Christianity the Parthenon was closed and desolated. It was then 'converted' into a Christian church, before being transformed a thousand years later into a mosque – complete with minaret at the southwest corner – after the Turkish conquest of the Byzantine Empire. Turkish forces also used it for centuries as a garrison and an arsenal, with the tragic result that in 1687, when Christian Venice attacked the Ottoman Turks, a powder magazine was detonated and huge damage inflicted on the structure. Most horrible of all, perhaps, the Acropolis was made to fly a Nazi flag during the German occupation of Athens. I once had the privilege of shaking the hand of Manolis Glezos, the man who climbed up and tore the swastika down, thus giving the signal for a Greek revolt against Hitler.

The damage done by the ages to the building, and by past empires and occupations, cannot all be put right. But there is one desecration and dilapidation that can at least be partially undone. Early in the 19th century, Britain’s ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, Lord Elgin, sent a wrecking crew to the Turkish-occupied territory of Greece, where it sawed off approximately half of the adornment of the Parthenon and carried it away. As with all things Greek, there were three elements to this, the most lavish and beautiful sculptural treasury in human history. Under the direction of the artistic genius Phidias, the temple had two massive pediments decorated with the figures of Pallas Athena, Poseidon, and the gods of the sun and the moon. It then had a series of 92 high-relief panels, or metopes, depicting a succession of mythical and historical battles. The most intricate element was the frieze, carved in bas-relief, which showed the gods, humans, and animals that made up the annual Pan-Athens procession: there were 192 equestrian warriors and auxiliaries featured, which happens to be the exact number of the city’s heroes who fell at the Battle of Marathon. Experts differ on precisely what story is being told here, but the frieze was quite clearly carved as a continuous narrative. Except that half the cast of the tale is still in Bloomsbury, in London, having been sold well below cost by Elgin to the British government in 1816 for $2.2 million in today’s currency to pay off his many debts. (His original scheme had been to use the sculptures to decorate Broomhall, his rain-sodden ancestral home in Scotland, in which case they might never have been seen again).

Ever since Lord Byron wrote his excoriating attacks on Elgin’s colonial looting, first in Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (1812) and then in The Curse of Minerva (1815), there has been a bitter argument about the legitimacy of the British Museum’s deal. I’ve written a whole book about this controversy and won’t oppress you with all the details, but would just make this one point. If the Mona Lisa had been sawed in two during the Napoleonic Wars and the separated halves had been acquired by different museums in, say, St. Petersburg and Lisbon, would there not be a general wish to see what they might look like if re-united? If you think my analogy is overdrawn, consider this: the body of the goddess Iris is at present in London, while her head is in Athens. The front part of the torso of Poseidon is in London, and the rear part is in Athens. And so on. This is grotesque.

To that essentially aesthetic objection the British establishment has made three replies. The first is, or was, that return of the marbles might set a 'precedent' that would empty the world’s museum collections. The second is that more people can see the marbles in London. The third is that the Greeks have nowhere to put or display them. The first is easily disposed of: the Greeks don’t want anything else returned to them and indeed hope to have more, rather than less, Greek sculpture displayed in other countries. And there is in existence no court or authority to which appeals on precedent can be made. (Anyway, who exactly would be making such an appeal? The Aztecs? The Babylonians? The Hittites? Greece’s case is a one-off – quite individual and unique). As to the second: Melina Mercouri’s husband, the late movie director and screenwriter Jules Dassin, told a British parliamentary committee in 2000 that by the standard of mass viewership the sculptures should all be removed from Athens and London and exhibited in Beijing. After these frivolous and boring objections have been dealt with, we are left with the third and serious one, which is what has brought me back to Athens. Where should the treasures be safeguarded and shown?

It is unfortunately true that the city allowed itself to become very dirty and polluted in the 20th century, and as a result the remaining sculptures and statues on the Parthenon were nastily eroded by 'acid rain'. And it’s also true that the museum built on the Acropolis in the 19th century, a trifling place of a mere 1,450 square meters, was pathetically unsuited to the task of housing or displaying the work of Phidias. But gradually and now impressively, the Greeks have been living up to their responsibilities. Beginning in 1992, the endangered marbles were removed from the temple, given careful cleaning with ultraviolet and infra-red lasers, and placed in a climate-controlled interior. Alas, they can never all be repositioned on the Parthenon itself, because, though the atmospheric pollution is now better controlled, Lord Elgin’s goons succeeded in smashing many of the entablatures that held the sculptures in place. That leaves us with the next-best thing, which turns out to be rather better than one had hoped.

About a thousand feet southeast of the temple, the astonishing new Acropolis Museum will open on June 20. With 10 times the space of the old repository, it will be able to display all the marvels that go with the temples on top of the hill. Most important, it will be able to show, for the first time in centuries, how the Parthenon sculptures looked to the citizens of old.

Arriving excitedly for my preview of the galleries, I was at once able to see what had taken the Greeks so long. As with everywhere else in Athens, if you turn over a spade or unleash a drill you uncover at least one layer of a previous civilization. (Building a metro for the Olympics in 2004 was a protracted if fascinating nightmare for this very reason). The new museum, built to the design of the French-Swiss architect Bernard Tschumi, has had to be mounted aboveground on 100 huge reinforced-concrete pillars, which allow you to survey the remnants of villas, drains, bathhouses, and mosaics of the recently unearthed neighborhood below. Much of the ground floor is made of glass so that natural light filters down to these excavations and gives the effect of transparency throughout. But don’t look down for too long. Raise your eyes and you will be given an arresting view of the Parthenon, from a building that has been carefully aligned to share its scale and perspective with the mother ship.

I was impatient to be the first author to see the remounted figures and panels and friezes. Professor Dimitrios Pandermalis, the head of the museum, took me to the top-floor gallery and showed me the concentric arrangement whereby the sculpture of the pediment is nearest the windows, the high-relief metopes are arranged above head height (they are supposed to be seen from below), and finally the frieze is running at eye level along the innermost wall. At any time, you can turn your head to look up and across at the architectural context for which the originals were so passionately carved. At last it will be possible to see the building and its main artifacts in one place and on one day.

The British may continue in their constipated fashion to cling to what they have so crudely amputated, but the other museums and galleries of Europe have seen the artistic point of re-unification and restored to Athens what was looted in the years when Greece was defenseless. Professor Pandermalis proudly showed me an exquisite marble head, of a youth shouldering a tray, that fits beautifully into panel No. 5 of the north frieze. It comes courtesy of the collection of the Vatican. Then there is the sculpted foot of the goddess Artemis, from the frieze that depicts the assembly of Olympian gods, by courtesy of the Salinas Museum, in Palermo. From Heidelberg comes another foot, this time of a young man playing a lyre, and it fits in nicely with the missing part on panel No. 8. Perhaps these acts of cultural generosity, and tributes to artistic wholeness, could 'set a precedent', too?

The Acropolis Museum has hit on the happy idea of exhibiting, for as long as following that precedent is too much to hope for, its own original sculptures with the London-held pieces represented by beautifully copied casts. This has two effects: It allows the visitor to follow the frieze round the four walls of a core 'cella' and see the sculpted tale unfold (there, you suddenly notice, is the 'lowing heifer' from Keats’s Ode on a Grecian Urn). And it creates a natural thirst to see the actual re-assembly completed. So, far from emptying or weakening a museum, this controversy has instead created another one, which is destined to be among Europe’s finest galleries. And one day, surely, there will be an agreement to do the right thing by the world’s most 'right' structure.

Sunday, 21 June 2009

Let's reintroduce slavery

I notice that the most senior British guest at yesterday's ceremony inaugurating the new Acropolis Museum was Bonnie Greer, who is deputy head of the board of trustees of the British museum. Apparently, according to this report, Greer said after the museum opening that 'she believed more strongly than ever that the marbles should remain in London [and] argued that in London they are displayed in an international cultural context'.

It's worth pointing out that Greer is an American who has lived in the UK for over 20 years where she has become a semi-permanent fixture on our TV screens blathering about blacks, racism, colonialism and so on. And yet here she is, trying to legitimise Britain's ill-gotten imperial gains and being a spokeswoman for Britain's racist and colonialist attitudes towards Greece. If it's good that the marbles were rent asunder from their natural environment and that this has benefited international culture in the process; then I'd like to suggest to Greer that slavery was good for blacks because Africans got to see and experience other parts of the world and, in the end, if it wasn't for slavery then we wouldn't have had Muddy Waters, Duke Ellington or John Coltrane. Maybe we should consider, for the sake of blacks and international culture, reintroducing slavery.

Saturday, 20 June 2009

Turk ruler boycotts opening of Acropolis Museum


I see Recip Tayyip Erdogan called off at the last minute his trip to Athens to attend the opening of the New Acropolis Museum. Apparently, the Turk prime minister cited health reasons, but Cypriot TV news reported he was upset by the robust attitude Greece took against Turkey at yesterday's EU summit meeting in Brussels over the illegal immigrants the Turks have been deliberately dumping in Greece. Look at the impudent way the Turks behave: not losing any opportunity to show their displeasure and expecting us all to recoil when they do so, as if Greece was an unruly province of the Ottoman empire. Erdogan should never have been invited in the first place to an event celebrating Greek culture and its resurrection. The missionary notion that exposing the Turk to Greek culture will civilise him is mistaken.

Talking of barbarians, it's worth pointing out – in case anyone was under any illusions – that the main reason the British won't return the Parthenon Marbles to Greece is because the British are philistines; small-minded, small-hearted philistines. The British museum, where the marbles are shabbily displayed, for those of you who don't know, is a dark and gloomy place, which has nothing British in it, because the British have produced nothing of worth to put in it: there is, of course, no such thing as British civilisation. If the British weren't philistines, then they might be able to overcome their selfish and petty concerns that returning the marbles will diminish the prestige of the British museum, reduce visitor numbers and adversely affect the financial viability of the museum. Britain's rejection of Greek demands, then, ultimately, has to do with money. Britain is a rich country, but spends next to nothing on culture and the arts, which are always squeezed and fighting for survival. It's revealing that while Greece was spending £110m on the Acropolis Museum, the British spent £800m on building Wembley football stadium and £700m on the Millennium Dome – an exhibition centre come entertainment complex.

Friday, 19 June 2009

Four Greek American artists

Sceptre: William Baziotes
I've been taking an interest in the works of four Greek American artists, all heavily influenced by surrealism, abstract expressionism and, of course, their Greek heritage. The four are:


William Baziotes (1912-1963)

Theodore Stamos (1922-1997)

Michael Lekakis (1907-1988)

Thomas Chimes (1921-2009)


Below are some of their works. It's worth pointing out that Baziotes was probably the most renowned of the four, though Chimes also enjoyed a considerable reputation. Chimes is also noteworthy for his fascination with French writer Albert Jarry – the creator of the absurdist pseudo-philosophy of 'pataphysics' – and Franco-Greek playwright Antonin Artaud. Stamos was deeply influenced by Greek mythology and philosophy and after a scandal involving the estate of his close friend Mark Rothko, he spent more and more time in Greece, particularly on the island of Lefkada, his ancestral homeland. Lekakis, predominantly a sculptor, whose father was a flower seller in New York, said that he developed his sense of form through his knowledge of flowers and flower arranging and his sense of form and space through studying and practising Greek dance. Chimes credits Lekakis with being his mentor. The two met at an airforce base in South Carolina in 1941. Chimes had been drafted into the services, while Lekakis was teaching a course in camouflage.


WILLIAM BAZIOTES









































1. Cyclops; 2. Anamorphic; 3. Flesheaters; 4. Untitled.


THEODORE STAMOS











































1. Aegean Sun Box; 2. Infinity Field, Lefkada; 3. Cyclops; 4. Delphic Shibboleth.


MICHAEL LEKAKIS

















































1. Untitled; 2. Dancer; 3. Figure; 4. Abstract



THOMAS CHIMES








































1. Faustroll ; 2. Crucifixion; 3. Portrait of Alfred Jarry; 4. Portrait of Antonin Artaud.

Wednesday, 17 June 2009

Terrorists kill cop in central Athens



This morning a cop assigned to protect a witness giving evidence in the terrorist trial of members of the Revolutionary People's Struggle (ELA) was ambushed in his car outside the witness' safe house and shot to death by four gunmen. The above video is an early MEGA news report on the shooting and here are details of the story in English. A few initial reactions:

The Greek authorities knew, in the aftermath of the death of schoolboy Alexis Grigoropoulos and the riots and other violent incidents that followed, that police were vulnerable to terrorist attacks; yet the slain cop, who was clearly at high risk, seems to have been a sitting duck, gunned down in his Renault Clio, in the open, drinking his morning coffee.


Regarding the
rise in terrorist incidents in Athens after the Grigoropoulos riots in December, anti-terrorist police have made no meaningful arrests.

The cop was shot by four gunmen between 15-20 times. This was, then, not an execution-style murder, but a frenzied killing. A psychotic level of hate seems to be involved here.


So, to go along with illegal immigration, the rise in crime, the surrender of Greek streets to rioters, we now have the revival of deadly urban terrorism. Pretty good going. My question is this: what has to happen for the Interior Minister Prokopis Pavlopoulos, who has overseen this descent into chaos and violence, to resign, or be sacked? What hold does Pavlopoulos have on the Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis?

Monday, 15 June 2009

What I read in today's Hurriyet Daily News

A few comments on a couple of articles I came across today in the English-language Turk paper Hurriyet Daily News.

The first article – Debate heats up in Cyprus over oil – claims that in the current Christofias-Talat negotiations, the Greek side has demanded that in a unified Cyprus the Turkish-occupied Karpasia peninsular (see map) will form part of the Greek constituent state; and that this demand has been made, HDN says, because the Greeks believe the sea off Karpasia contains vast reserves of oil and gas. HDN adds that the Greeks intend 'to settle 200,000 Greek Cypriot immigrants' in Karpasia.

HND quotes a Turkish foreign office official as saying that Turkey will never return Karpasia: 'Even during the time in 1964,' according to the Turkish official, 'when Turks were at their weakest and when there was no knowledge of oil, the then prime minister, Ismet Inonu, never gave up Karpaz. It is impossible for the Greek side to take Karpaz.' Indeed, in this report (in Greek) in Politis newspaper, the Turk official is quoted as saying it would be easier for the Turks to return Smyrna to the Greeks than Karpasia.

It is noteworthy that the Turk official reveals that as far back as 1964 – when the Americans were putting forward plans for double enosis/partition – Turkey's intention was to dismember and swallow up parts of Cyprus. Naturally, Turkey in its desire to possess Karpasia was not interested in asking the (predominantly Greek) inhabitants if they minded turning their land over to Turkey. No mention here either, as a Turkish motive, of the alleged plight of the Turkish Cypriots – Karpasia, in fact, was relatively untouched by the intercommunal troubles in 1963 and 1967; all the Turks give us is just a straight and simple determination to annex the territory of an independent country and dispossess the legitimate inhabitants of their land and property.

And now, in response to the Cypriot side's long-standing demand that Karpasia be returned to Greek control, the Turks have come up with the totally spurious 'oil' excuse for wanting to hold on to the peninsular. First, there is no evidence that there is oil and gas off the Karpasia coast; and, second, even if there were then what has this got to do with Turkey? In a unified Cyprus, the island's continental shelf and hydrocarbon resources would not belong to the constituent states, but to the central government; unless, of course – and here's the crux of the matter – Turkey's intention is to use the proposed Turkish Cypriot constituent state as its proxy on the island, gradually obtaining for it sovereignty and international recognition as a prelude to full, Kosovo-style, secession and independence.

As for the Greek side wanting to 'settle 200,000 Greek Cypriot immigrants' in Karpasia; this is nonsense. Before 1974, Karpasia consisted of 23 Greek villages, 14 Turk and five mixed. The total population of the peninsula was 27,241, of which 21,063 or 77 percent were Greek and 6,178 or 23 percent were Turks.

So, my first question is: what immigrants? Do the Turks mean the Greek refugees from Karpasia who would return to their land? Secondly, how can Greek Cypriots be 'immigrants' in their own country – this notion of Greek Cypriots as 'immigrants' reveals again Turkey's two-state intentions; and, thirdly, where on earth do the Turks come up with the idea that the Cypriot side wants to settle 200,000 Greeks in Karpasia? Are they really saying that some one-third of the island's total Greek population would be moved to Karpasia, a remote, economically underdeveloped region, whose largest population centre until 1974 was Yialousa and its satellite village of Agia Triada, with 3,658 Greeks?

What all this shows is that Turkey, not prepared to admit to itself that the reason it wants to take Cypriot land is to fulfil a perverse nationalist agenda, is scratching around to find strategic and economic justification to maintain its presence on Cyprus.

■ I also want to mention Ariana Ferentinou's article in today's Hurriyet Daily NewsImpressions from a second trip to Greek Cyprus. This Greek woman regularly prostitutes herself for the HDN, purporting to provide insights into Greece and Cyprus, but in fact she knows nothing about Cyprus, her knowledge of Greek politics is superficial and she generally adopts those positions most flattering and satisfying to her Turkish pimps.

In her article on Cyprus, she tells the world exactly what her Turk handlers want the world to believe: i.e. that Greek Cypriots have an irrational hatred of Turks and most would prefer partition to living with the Turkish Cypriots. In support of this fabrication, Ferentinou relies on distortion. For example, she says that as proof that Greek Cypriots are increasingly hostile to the Christofias-Talat negotiations and to reunification, 'the recent Euro-elections saw a significant fall in the votes for Christofias’ AKEL in favour of his main opponent DISY'.

In fact, both AKEL and DISY votes went up in the elections; and even if left-wing AKEL voters had switched in numbers to conservative DISY – a highly unlikely scenario given the ideological volte-face this would have involved and the rigidity of Cypriot party loyalty – then in fact they would have been switching votes to a party – DISY – which is more dovish than AKEL on the Cyprus issue and, indeed, came out in favour of the Annan plan in 2004.

Κατά την χώραν Κύπρον Σκαιών



Above is a quality video (in Greek) made in 1998 on the state of some of Turkish-occupied Cyprus' most important cities, towns, villages and cultural monuments, including Kyrenia, Lapithos, Nicosia, Bellapais, St Hilarion, Rizokarpaso, the monastery of Apostolos Andreas, Engomi, Salamina, the monastery of Apostolos Varnavas, Lythrangomi, the church of Panayia Kanakaria, and Ammochostos.

It's worth remembering that since the documentary was made 10 years ago, Turkish attempts to eradicate the overwhelmingly Greek character of northern Cyprus have intensified. More and more Turkish settlers have been dumped on the island, as have other foreigners – mostly British – who have taken over land and properties belonging to Greeks forced out by the Turkish invaders.


The title of the documentary – Κατά την χώραν Κύπρον Σκαιών – refers to a work by the 12th century Cypriot saint, St Neophytos the Recluse, which describes the depredations the island suffered under the rebel Byzantine governor Isaac Komnenos and, subsequently, the invading Westerners who seized the island during the Third Crusade in 1191.

Friday, 12 June 2009

Illegal immigration to Greece: another lost cause?



A few thoughts on the measures announced yesterday by the Karamanlis government to deal with the problem of illegal immigration to Greece. There are a staggering 250,000 illegals in the country. (For full story, read Demosthenes' post over at LandOMiracles).

None of the measures the government announced – which include tougher sentences for the people smugglers, the building of reception centres around the country to process the migrants, closer co-operation with the EU to patrol Greece's maritime borders and increased efforts to deport illegals – is going to work.

Greece can only deport illegals if: 1. Their home country accepts them. 2. The country from which they arrived agrees to their return. Now, since most of the 250,000 illegals are from failed or failing states, Pakistan, Somalia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Bangladesh, which are all refusing to co-operate with Greece in facilitating the return of their nationals, then Greece feels unable to deport significant numbers. This week, Greece managed, after long and hard negotiations with the Pakistani government, to return by plane 55 Pakistanis to their home country – a drop in the ocean.

As for returning the illegals to the country from which they last set out for Greece; well, this country happens to be, almost invariably, Turkey, which is deliberately flooding Greece with illegals to destabilise the country and, naturally, is refusing to take back those who left from its shores.

Another option, suggested by LA.OS leader, Giorgos Karatzaferis, is that since the EU has so far been unwilling to share Greece's burden and that since the vast majority of the illegals arrive in Greece with the intention of going to other parts of the EU – Germany, Scandinavia and, particularly, Britain – then Greece should legalise the migrants, give them EU papers and send them on their way to their preferred EU destination. Not a bad idea.

As for the reception centres for the illegals the government is proposing to build to alleviate the social problems the destitute migrants are causing in Greece's cities (see MEGA news item video above); this won't help solve the problem either. The total number of illegals is 250,000, so how can the government possibly open or build reception centres for such a huge number of people? The third largest Greek city, Patras, has a population of some 200,000; so the Greek government is proposing an enterprise that is tantamount to building Greece's biggest city after Athens and Thessaloniki or the equivalent of several large Greek towns.

An enormous question is: how has the Karamanlis government allowed Greece to arrive at a situation where it's playing unhappy host to a quarter of a million illegal immigrants and with so few options at its disposal to deal with the problem? This is yet another shocking indictment of the incompetence and stupidity of the Karamanlis administration, which may go down as one of the worst in Greece's 4,000-year history.

Tuesday, 9 June 2009

Before being executed, the three Greek Cypriots shouted: 'Long live Enosis!'

The Turkish Cypriot journalist Sevgul Uludag, who has been instrumental in uncovering information on the thousands of Greek Cypriots missing since the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, published yesterday in the Turkish Cypriot daily Yeni Duzen the following details regarding three missing Greeks from the village of Assia, as told to her by a Turkish Cypriot reader of the newspaper:

'Three Greek Cypriots from the village of Assia were arrested during the war in 1974 and taken to Arsos village.


'One of these Greek Cypriots was 16-17-years old, the second 22-23 and the third 27-28.


'A captain interrogated them through a Turkish Cypriot translator. The three were severely beaten.


'Afterwards, the captain gave the order for them "to be taken onto the Black Train". This was an expression used by Turkish soldiers that meant "execute them".


'A hole was dug with an excavator at the slope of a hill between the villages of Arsos and Troulli and the three Greek Cypriots were shot and buried.


'Before being executed, the three Greek Cypriots shouted: "Long live Enosis!"'

Monday, 8 June 2009

European elections in Cyprus, Greece and the UK

Just a quick roundup of the elections to the European Parliament, results of which were declared last night.

In Cyprus, Cypriots voted for the parties they always vote for, with conservative DISY coming out top with 35.65 percent of the vote, a couple of points ahead of communist AKEL. The only statistic of note was the decline in the DIKO vote, to 12.28 percent, down some six points on the 2006 Cyprus House of Representatives elections. DIKO takes a traditionally harder line on the Cyprus issue, and the haemorrhaging of its support reflects the displeasure and confusion at the infighting in its ranks between those who back party leader Marios Karoyian and DIKO's participation in the AKEL-led government – DIKO currently has three ministers in Christofias' cabinet, including foreign secretary Markos Kyprianou – and those who consider themselves followers of the late Tassos Papadopoulos and who oppose Christofias' Cyprus talks strategy and have made noises about DIKO withdrawing from the government.

In Greece, PASOK polled the most votes – 36.65 percent – some four points ahead of New Democracy. Given the appalling state of the Greek economy and society, the scandals, corruption, the utter failure of prime minister Kostas Karamanlis to get to grips with any of the ills afflicting the country, his complete lack of leadership and vision, I am staggered that PASOK could only manage this paltry lead and that ND's vote held up as well as it did. Right-wing LA.OS increased its vote to 7.15 percent and gained another Euro MP, but its progress was not spectacular. The Greens, which at one point, according to opinion polls, threatened to score eight percent of the vote, eventually – after being exposed as dangerously immature, particularly on national issues – only received 3.49 percent support, which gave them one MEP, the clown Michalis Tremopoulos. (See my previous post on the Greek Greens here.)

It's also worth noting that over here in the UK, the governing Labour party was slaughtered, seeing its share of the vote slump to 15.7 percent, while xenophobic, anti-immigrant, anti-EU parties did well. The UK Independence Party came in second, with 16.5 percent of the vote and 13 MEPs, while the British National Party – which has neo-Nazi roots – got 6.2 percent of the vote and will have two MEPs. Another nationalist, anti-EU party, the English Democrats, also did well, doubling its share of the vote to 2 percent. (Both UKIP and the BNP strongly campaigned against the prospect of Turkey joining the EU).

Why am I mentioning the rise of English – and it is predominantly English – nationalism?

Because the English radical right's success explodes the myth that Labour has tried to create in this country and export throughout Europe that immigration and multiculturalism pose no threat to social cohesion and that ethnic diversity is enriching and welcomed by existing populations. The English, it appears, in large numbers, have not bought into Tony Blair's vision of Cool Britannia, of a self-confident, outward-looking, racially diverse, cosmopolitan Britain.

This is interesting for at least two reasons: first, it provides a warning to other countries – like Greece – which have suffered from mass immigration and are contemplating multiculturalism; and second, this anti-EU trend in the UK – which also predominates in the mainstream, right-wing Conservative party – could conceivably, at some stage, result in a referendum on whether Britain should withdraw from the EU. If Britain were to withdraw from Europe, this would radically change the dynamics on the continent, depriving Turkey of its chief supporter in Europe and handing over the initiative for EU affairs to the group of countries led by France and Germany – and which includes Greece – advocating a tighter economic, political and cultural union.

And finally: Marina Yannakoudakis, whose parents are from the occupied Cypriot village of Rizokarpaso, was elected in London as a Conservative MEP. I didn't vote for her. In fact, I didn't vote for anyone – and I could certainly never vote Conservative, though, hypocritically, I'm somewhat pleased she got in.

UPDATE: Just a quick note on the Rainbow Party, led by Pavlos Voskopoulos and which purports to represent Slavophones in Macedonia. In yesterday's European elections, it received just 4,522 votes (0.09 percent). Of these, 1,195 were cast in Florina, 375 in Pella and 160 in Kozani. In fact, when you look at the performance of Rainbow – which you can do here – you notice that it picked up handfuls of votes all over the country, including 162 in Crete! Obviously, there are no Slav speakers in Crete, Chios (21 votes) or in the Cyclades (29 votes) and so, if our intention is to try and gauge how many Slav speakers there are in Greece and who have a Slav as opposed to a Greek consciousness, based on these results, the number would be between 1,800 and 2,000.

Sunday, 7 June 2009

How dependent is the Cyprus economy on Russia?

Following on from my comments in this post on the British slur that Cyprus' relative economic success is because of 'crooked' Russian money, below is a report by Fiona Mullen that appeared on the Cyprus business news site Financial Mirror, which seeks to put Russo-Cyprus economic ties in perspective and asserts that the reason the Cypriot economy has managed to be the only one in the EU to maintain positive growth is because of increased government spending.


The Cyprus economy has been undergoing a silent transformation over the past few years as the relative importance of the tourism sector declines and the relative importance of the business sector increases. In 2008, balance-of-payments income from travel (mainly tourism revenue) amounted EUR 1.9 billion or 11% of GDP, down from 18% of GDP in 1998. By contrast, income from 'other business services', around half of which comprises accounting and legal services, reached EUR 1.4 billion, or 8.2% of GDP, up from 7% in 1998.

Much of the accounting and legal services business comes from Russian nationals. However, during this global financial crisis, questions have now been raised about how vulnerable Cyprus is to a downturn in the Russian economy. This is an important question, because real GDP growth in Russia contracted by 9.5% year on year in the first quarter; forecasts for the year range from a contraction of between 5% and 7.5%.


Unfortunately, obtaining hard data on Russian business is difficult. First, there is the matter of definitions. For example, balance-of-payments data show that Russian investment in real estate accounted for 7.3% of total inward direct investment in real estate in 2006 (much lower than the 76.0% recorded for the UK). However, these figures do not include real estate purchases made by a Russian national resident in Limassol, for example. It is possible, therefore, that the Russian market is rather larger.


Another approach might be to look at the nationality of depositors at the banks. Central Bank data show that bank deposits of non-EU non-residents amounted to EUR 16.4 billion in February 2009, equivalent to around 28% of total deposits. If we knew the nationality of those depositors, we could assess the vulnerability of Cyprus to specific markets such as Russia. Alas, although the commercial banks gather this data, the Central Bank of Cyprus does not make it available. 
One statistic that we do have is tourism. Russians are now the second largest tourism market after the UK, but come a distant second at 7.5% of all tourists in 2008 compared with 51.7% for the UK.


Thus, in order to arrive at an idea of the dependence of the Cyprus economy on the Russian market the economist must turn, with a heavy heart, to anecdotal evidence. Discussions with professionals from the banking, business services and real estate sectors suggest the following.


First, that Russian deposits account for as much as 66% of all non-resident deposits. Notwithstanding changes in residency definitions which led to some to report in error that the Russian deposit base was falling, it has in fact remained stable during the financial crisis. Russian deposits can therefore be estimated at around EUR 11 billion.


Second, Russian nationals account for around 20% of foreign real estate sales, which in turn are around 20% of the real estate market. Thus, Russians account for about 4% of the total real estate market. The real estate market was worth EUR 2.5 billion in 2007 in gross output terms, therefore the annual Russian real estate market might be valued at EUR 100 million.


Third, Russian business reportedly accounts for 'the vast majority' of accounting and legal services business. On the assumption that this means around 80%, Russian accounting and legal services may amount to around EUR 560 million each year.


The same sources suggest that after a bumper 2008, the Russian market is in rapid retreat: the Russian market for real estate and accounting and legal services could be down by as much as 50% this year. Tourism arrivals also fell in April for the first time in over two years.


This suggests that for the first time in many years, the three major sectors in Cyprus – tourism, real estate and business services – may be contracting. It is hardly surprising therefore, that unemployment has risen more quickly in March-April than at any time in recent history.


But it also begs the question why the Cypriot economy still scraped a tiny growth rate of 0.01% compared with the previous quarter according to the flash estimate for January-March. The full figures are not yet out, but no doubt we shall see that the only reason why the economy has remained afloat these past two quarters is government spending.


Perhaps the best measure of the dependence of the economy on the Russian market, therefore, will be the size of this year’s budget deficit.